Strolling Away

SECTION 3 – Strolling Away Major Findings

SECTION 3 – Strolling Away Major Findings

3.1 Strolling Away 2000-2001

The following represents the background findings of those interviewed from "Strolling Away":

  • The average age of entrance into the sexual exploitation trade was 14 years.
  • Males entered the trade on average at the age of 12 and females entered at age 15.
  • A total of 260 years of street sexual exploitation was recorded. Females averaged six years on the street, while males averaged 12 years.
  • 84% of the population had a background of sexual abuse and 79% a background of physical abuse prior to the street.
  • 82% of females had a background of sexual abuse and 78% experienced physical abuse. All the males in this research experienced sexual and physical abuse prior to the street.
  • 60% of the population, regardless of gender, ended up in the care of the Child Protection Services in various provincial governments. This meant that Social Services were contacted at some point in the early years.
  • A total of 26% of those interviewed were of Aboriginal heritage. Twenty-four percent of females had Aboriginal backgrounds. A total of 40% of males were Aboriginal.

3.2 Leaving the Trade

There is a belief that once a person has decided to leave the trade, he or she exits for good.

However, while it is assumed that leaving is a simple process, this research indicated that everyone left this business more than once.

"More than ten times. Ya just go crazy. Ah, home life. That’s why I kept leaving. I tried to go back home, but I couldn’t stay …it was a lot easier to live on the streets than it was to live at home." (Andrea)

"The reality of the situation was the street of Vancouver was better than what I was facing home. You know and but you need money you know what’s a boy to do, you know I mean really when you’re 13 years old you can’t like get a job anywhere and you can’t go back home." (Matthew)

When a person returned to the trade, there was disappointment for the individual, family, friends and support professionals involved.

"I just couldn’t face myself each day looking in the mirror, continuing to say, well you did this last night, or you did that the night before or are you going to do it again tomorrow night." (Mark)

Individuals who exited the trade learned quickly that leaving was actually a cumulative learning experience. Each exit attempt brought new awareness, knowledge and experience that could be applied to their next attempt to exit the street.

"There is going to be a lot of pain and hard work, and it’s a long journey and looking at themselves. It’s not an easy one. People think that you just leave the street and that’s it. And that’s not the way it is." (Tamara)

To exit and then return to the trade is to understand that the entire lives of these individuals had revolved around the street. Their survival, social activity and support sources existed in the trade. Attachments and connections to the street were interrupted or severed during times of exiting and finding replacement attachments or connections was not easy. Few attachments and connections still existed given an individual’s absence from the traditional support of family, friends and community.

During the interviews, it became clear that leaving was often riskier than staying. Questions such as survival, potential repercussions from pimps and other street personnel overcame the desire to exit. Typical concerns for those attempting to exit were: Where will they go? Where will they live? How will they earn money? Who will support them? What will they do? Who can they trust? Who can they tell that they are leaving? What if someone recognizes them or knows where they have been?

There was a significant difference between the numbers of times males left the streets when compared to females. Males generally entered the trade at a younger age, left more often and stayed longer. Close to halfof the males interviewed left the street ten to 15 times.

"Over 1000 easy, and then I found myself three days later doing it again. So it’s a survival thing you get forced to being there." Well, you’re not forced to be there, however, your circumstances that lead you to being there, you always end up winding up back there." (Luke)

I would argue that the search for sexual identity as described in "This Idle Trade" by Visano (1987) and "M is for Mutual A is for Acts" by Allman (1999), was not the major driver of males into the sexual exploitation trade. I believe that entrance into the sexual exploitation trade was not a mechanism or procedure to define an individual’s sexual preference.

All males in my two studies identified a previous physical and sexual abusebackground. Social Services agencies appear to be more comfortable and accepting of young women with a background of abuse entering the sexual exploitation trade. There is not only a sense of reluctance to work with the male population there is also an underlying impression that males are searching out their sexual preference. Regardless of sexual preference, the street is sexual exploitation which is a form of sexual abuse. The dynamics of survival from abuse influence both young women and men. While the risks and the dynamics of the trade were very different for young men and young women, the motivation of survival from historical abuse and the response to the present abuse was similar regardless of gender.

"Do you really have to do this, surely there’s got to be some other bloody way. ...You know you really have the concept of having to earn a normal living and paying the bills. They’re given a large sum of money and, for doing what at first seems the undoable and then the more money you keep getting, the more and more it just becomes an act. You, you lose a sense of intimacy and you want to try and find yourself again and, I mean, you lose something in yourself again and I mean yourself. There’s no other way to put it and the only way you can hope to find it back is by leaving." (Mark)

3.3 Squaring Up

Rarely has the time been taken to understand what motivates people to leave the trade. "Strolling Away" revealed that an overwhelming number were prompted to leave because of the violence experienced on the street.

"I think every bad date is like I’m not going back,’ but you go back the next day." (Liz)

A total of 82% of those interviewed in 1991-1992 reported violence by customers. This included bad dates and the continual fear of being murdered.

"He took me to Stanley Park. Had a gun, ya know to my head and I thought I was dead." (Cherry)

The high degree of fear of violence and the resulting pressure women felt to leave the street were based on the fact that women are the predominant gender of sexual exploitation murders in Canada.

Data produced by Statistics Canada revealed that customers could often be violent with prostitutes. A total of 63 prostitutes were murdered in Canada from 1991 to 1995, of which 60 were female and seven were less than 18 years of age. [3]

In comparison, male victimization occurred typically by an unknown third party, i.e. gay bashing.

"When you’re dealing with women, they are the ones that have to fear their dates. When you’re dealing with the guys, it’s not the dates the guys fear, it never is. The ones that they really fear are the guys who come down there onto the stroll, like you’ll have four or five of them suddenly jump out of the car. Those are the guys, that you hope somebody’s nearby." (Mark)

Of those interviewed one-quarter identified stress and pressure as another motivator to square up. The street life brought with it a sense of being fed up of having had enough stress and pressure. No one saw this as an enjoyable lifestyle.

Some of those who left the trade saw family pride and self-esteem as motivators to square up.

"Well family was a big one because I was working downtown Vancouver and my family lived in Vancouver, so there was always the threat of being seen by family. Always, that was always there. But the other one was, the stripping away of your personal identity over the period of a year and I’ve always said this about prostitution, and that people that have been there need to get out and the people who don’t, I really believe strongly that you have to have a sense of who you are as a person prior to, to know that that’s disappearing." (Patricia)

This research also determined that women often left the trade due to pregnancy or due to a desire to be a mother. As men from the street rarely had a parental responsibility there was less motivation to leave, which may explain why males stayed in the trade longer.

"I guess it was finding out I was pregnant, that I would be a mom. I didn’t think I had it in me. I thought I was too into me to do anything for anybody else. And then, I had her, I changed, I was a completely different person in a matter of hours. I swear, it was and then she became my focus." (Melissa)

The research established that well over three-quarters of the women interviewed had become mothers. Having a child or the desire to have a child became a critical influence in their decision to leave the business and not return. It created the option to consider alternatives and provided a vision of a life outside of the street. While not all women that birthed children immediately left the trade, women did not want to remain in the sexual exploitation trade in the role of a mother.

"When I knew I was going to have a baby… I didn’t want him to grow up in an atmosphere that included abuse like my world did when I was a little kid. I wanted to make something different for my children. You know, I couldn’t be a hooker, I couldn’t be a dope addict, I couldn’t be a dope pusher, I had to be a mom." (Katlyn)

3.4 Return to the Trade

A significant number of those in the research identified money as a prime motivator to return to the street.

"Money, thinking really that I wasn’t worth anything different than being down there. Um, not having the skills to stay away. Like not having the education to get a job to support myself." (Katlyn)

Close to one-quarter of females felt pressured by a peer or someone else in the trade to return. While males were not pressured by pimps to return to the street, over two-thirds of the males felt compelled to return to the trade given the non-judgmental environment of the street.

"The knowing, going anywhere and people knowing you, I miss that. Ya know, you walk downtown, only get one block, and ten people are talking to you and I guess being the centre of attention. Not quite the centre of attention, but everybody knows who you are, so whenever you pass through, for a brief moment, you do shine. I miss that and I don’t miss anything else really." (Luke)

Regardless if they were homosexual, bi-sexual or heterosexual, males returned to the trade because of the street acceptance of their plight and to the abuse in their lives.

"Like okay, I say I’m gay for the play and for the pay. Okay, well I do, I’m gay for the pay you know what I mean." (Luke)

"I too often found instances of, eh I had burned, I felt I had burned every bridge that I possibly had so I didn’t think I had any options. I figured well I’ve used this program, I’ve tried that and I’ve tried this and I’ve gone to see this person and I’ve gone to see this person. And it always seemed like every single thing that I tried for years, it seemed like no matter how you try, everything would somehow fail. Everything, just as soon as you’re about to succeed, as soon as you want to get out of there, get onto something new, it comes back to you again where you suddenly forced into the position again. So either some piece of history comes up and you have to deal with it one way or another. Or else you now have some new problem that has to be dealt with or that doesn’t get dealt with, maybe I won’t be here tomorrow." (Mark)

3.5 Preventing a Return

All individuals found the process of leaving the street challenging. Common issues were lack of support, lack of self-worth, high risks and boredom.

Respondents identified the need for stronger support services as a key factor in preventing a return to the street.

"Getting a job. Like um, more things available to us, so that when we get off the street that we can get education or you need help in certain things, so we wouldn’t have to go back, because we would have a better job. Schooling basically, where we could get funding." (Annie)

Others identified the need for improved self-worth as important.

"Self-worth, self-worth was a big one you’re just feeling like so you’re not you can’t say cheap you ain’t. It’s not cheap, but it’s just so used. Used and discarded and um, like I can really see how the fashion models, you know and then they’re nothing. It’s pretty, pretty devastating. You’re working here and like well, what can you do besides give a good blow job ya know, so." (Felicia)

Some felt that they had limited options available to them to earn money. Others identified leaving the trade as very risky. Their basic needs of food, shelter, clothing and entertainment were taken care of in the street trade. Upon departure none of these needs were covered. The street provided a predictable environment and this was not available after leaving the street.

"It was familiarity and a bond as strange as it sounds, but familiarity and a bond that we just felt safe, we knew what was gonna happen. We knew what was gonna happen, what was expected, what the role was. How we were supposed to act and I could get right into that…you don’t have much else or other options, that where you go." (Felicia)

The issue of boredom was identified as a challenge when departing the trade. The street trade had become all encompassing in their lives. In contrast, the square world did not offer them recognition or familiarity.

"Um, I was bored. …I missed the money, I missed, um, my friends cause I didn’t have any friends, I was lonely." (Shelly)

While many participants identified having some support in the transition of leaving the street, often it was not enough. As it was a full-time job to support someone in such a major life transition, it required more than one person to provide assistance.

"… had the system been more able to accommodate, different types of kids instead of throwing all the kids into one sort of idea of what should happen. Different types of programs…" (Wyonna )

"For going back, if there was somewhere else to go besides, um having to live with another family. Um, having to ya know it would’ve been a lot easier if I had a place to go like a big house with a lot of other people my age and without so many people telling me what to do all the time and everything that I did do something was always wrong." (Andrea)

3.6 Last Trick

Many individuals said they were not sure that their last trick would be the final one. All individuals described in extensive detail their first trick, including where, who, how much money they made and on what they spent the money. In some cases the first trick had occurred eight years ago, yet the recollection of it stayed ingrained.

"And I talked to the first guy that I ever took out, I went to his house. He came into my shop a few months ago, and I was being evaluated by the manager about his prescription." (Nicky)

However, there was a lack of clarity and detail of their last trick. Some people even confused the year and city of their last date.

"I never find it’s your last trick. Even if you quit prostituting for seven years, it’s never your last trick. Cause if you need the money, diapers for your child, medication for yourself, you’ll go out and turn a trick." (Lucy)

Many saw their departure from the street as a process as opposed to a specific event.Most males believed there had to be a commitment to the process of leaving.

"…you have to prepare yourself mentally to know what you’re leaving behind…you have to mentally prepare yourself so that you…have less chance of relapsing." (Luke)

This was very different from a traditional lifestyle addiction. Alcoholics and/or drug addicts remember the date, time, location, substance and details of events which led to their final departure from this activity.

For individuals exiting the trade they often left the trade mentally long before the actual date and time of physical departure.

"Well I couldn’t stand to be nice to them any more. I couldn’t stand to look at them or talk to them or I just couldn’t stand them at all no matter how nice they were, you know how clean and didn’t smell, anything. Like it didn’t matter who they were, I just could not stand the act of having to deal with somebody." (Allison)

3.7 Decision Last Trick

Being on the street is a hard lifestyle. There is no personal dignity and it eliminates the normal pleasures of life. However, there is a certain edge of excitement or "pump" that surrounds street life. In a different way individuals enjoyed the pump of the street as it served as a stimulant to the activity on the street.

"Money thinking really that I wasn’t worth anything different than being down there. Um, not having the skills to stay away. Like not having the education to get a job to support myself. Probably my addictions led me back there as well. And being attracted to the scenes, the party atmosphere. But mainly money I think. Only because I didn’t have any other resources to support myself with." (Katlyn)

For one-third of those interviewed the decision to make the last trick seemed to be based on a series of events or incidents. The catalyst was the never-ending day after day experience – enough was enough.

"Had enough…well, I got sick and tired of the street having control over me and having to rely on the tricks so I could go home and get high. And then when I got high, I didn’t enjoy it anymore. I got really sick and tired of, like the shit that I went through then I went home and got high. And eh, it’s a merry-go-round." (Jane)

"And I was getting sick of abusing my body and I felt that maybe I was worth a little more than $50.00." (Beth)

A significant number identified a new person(s) or relationship in their lives that provided them with alternatives. They had an opportunity to attach into a different life.

"Then I met him, ya and we took it real slow at first but I sort of knew that this was different and ya know maybe it was just that I was open to the possibility at that moment. Ya know, I don’t know. But anyway that was it I haven’t done it since." (Matthew)

"I think it was. I just didn’t want to do it no more. I had a good boyfriend. I wanted to settle down and I didn’t mess things up anymore, it was to hard on us." (Jessica)

Paranoia and fear edged one-fifth of those interviewed to their last trick.

"A lot of times it was fear of the guys I was with because I seem to have this attraction to psychotic men." (Kelly)

"I think just, well I was going to die. I was at the point of dying." (Lorna)

The collective effect of abuse, drugs and danger built up until an individual reached his or her limit. Similar to my first research, no one entered the sexual exploitation trade with a long-term plan of staying. "Strolling Away" also revealed that the street was viewed as short-term gain but long-term pain. However, this short-term solution became an obstacle that prevented a return to normal lives. In fact, some believed that they would never experience normalcy.

"I don’t know how to be a normal person. And I had to learn all over, it’s like someone losing the feelings in their legs and getting them back and learning how to walk again." (Jessica)

"So it’s scary to know that when I was 12, that I actually made a decision in my life that changed my life forever. And to be able to consciously now look back and know that. I would go back and make a different decision, I would by far." (Luke)

3.8 Assisted in Leaving Street

Many of the interviews identified family or a support systemas important when attempting to leave the street. It provided those exiting with another identity and connection.

"My parents always helped me out. I think the biggest thing is that you need, if you want to leave, you need a support system." (Melissa)

"Cuz ya don’t ya know I don’t really have anybody to lean on, like my mom, no thank you like I won’t even go there." (Beth)

However, parental and other support systems and overall family and support relationships were often stressed and damaged during the street activity time.

Another key influence was the importance of the ability to meet square, non-involved street people. These relationships served to counteract the desire to drift back to street friends.

"You know, so I think, had I developed any kind of outside friendships and anybody had even spoken to me to influence me to leave, um, I would have taken that. " (Kathleen)

"I met like family people and everything. I think a lot of it was just me. I didn’t want to stop, I met new people and I did different things, and I didn’t see people getting stabbed or beat up all the time, and hurt or drugs, or it was a change and I liked it…" (Melissa)

"Strolling Away" determined there had to be a purpose in the process of leaving the street such as: the pursuit of goals, having a baby, trusting someone, gaining employment or seeking a stable lifestyle.

"You know, going back and getting an education, dealing with my issues, you know healing the things that got me on the street in the first place. Dealing with my sexual abuse issues, um, abstaining from drugs and alcohol, you know admitting that there was a problem and that it was within me. You know it wasn’t just, you know a cool or fun thing to be, but I was pretty messed up and that’s why I thought that prostitution was okay for me." (Katlyn)

3.9 Assisted Not Returning

Leaving the street is a different process than not returning to the street. "Strolling Away" identified that what assisted an individual in deciding to leave the street could be different than what assisted them in not returning to the street. As the needs of the individual changed, the initial supports required when leaving were not important after the departure.

Once an individual left the street, they searched for reasons to stay away. Exiting the trade often occurred in a secretive, clandestine format. Given the enigmatic nature of the departure, there was often no opportunity to have a planned exit in place.

"Um, it wasn’t really a decision, it just happened." (Rita)

Women who were pregnant would be the only exception to this statement. Pregnancy served as a catalyst to exiting the trade in a planned fashion. The potential of being pregnant on the street provided the impetus to plan a departure from the street trade.

People who left the street for the first time would frequently make a "never return" statement. Nevertheless, as the research revealed, most people left the street more than once if not numerous times.

A successful departure meant no contact or association with individuals involved in the street.

"Like I needed a safe place to go where nobody could find me and drag me back, cause I had tried to leave within another network. Like I tried to leave my pimp by staying with another prostitute. She turned me back over to it anyway. So I knew it had to be in a different area, someplace where I had never been before. Like it had to be the square straight world that I was totally afraid of, but I was also fed up and it didn’t matter that I was afraid." (Katlyn)

The drift back factor was often easier if there was access to people still involved in the street. Exiting a specific city or part of the city was also common.

"But it perpetrates energy, negative energy and ah, collectively, sucks you in whether it’s the tricks or the other women or the men or the stupid ones who drive around and throw pennies and annoy you. All of it, it’s just like a big fucking hole that you lose yourself in. It’s almost like reprogramming." (Felicia)

"I missed my friends cause I didn’t have any friends, I was lonely. …I think it was just because I wasn’t used to square people."(Shelly)

Close to one-quarter identified having someone relying on you as a critical feature in preventing both males and females return to the street.

"Um when I got home and I looked at my baby girl, and she was looking at me. And it was just like, this little helpless thing is looking at me, and I’m going "Oh you know I belong to her". You know she could grow up without a mommy. And you know I didn’t really have a mom when I was younger, so I want her to have a mom." (Shelly)

Males saw maturity as a strong influence to depart and not return to the street. Fourteen percent of females identified having a vision as a key factor in not returning. Having something to work towards eliminated the pump or excitement associated with being on the street.

Seventeen percent of the malesidentified the need to find a safe, flexible living environment to prevent a return to the street. Males are less likely to receive social service support. Males leaving the street are not leaving to birth children so this decreases the likelihood of state and parental support. The trade often provides a viable solution to homelessness for males. Males need to find housing and employment independent of the state and some have succeeded at this.

"… like I never had to worry anymore about really, truly, honestly, being destitute you know what I mean there is a difference between not having enough money to go out with your friends on Friday night or, or not having enough money to buy the groceries at the grocery store. You know there’s a difference between that and seriously being destitute." (Matthew)

"To keep off, cuz here I am again. I lost the family support that I thought I had. I still get social assistance so I have like a guaranteed roof, which is good, it’s not like I’m living on the streets. And I’m using my money to get a hotel room or stuff like that. I am, I’m ah using the street as a survival technique is what I was taught at a young age and ya know, I ah just don't get taken advantage of." (Luke)

Eighty-five percent of Calgary’s Drop In Centre homeless clients are males. Executive Director, Dermott Baldwin states, " If a woman enters the shelter, we are often able to provide alternate services within four hours. This time is significantly reduced if children are involved."

Given that well over three-quarters of the females from this sample had birthed children this provided them with increased opportunities. Families were more likely to support them. Governmentsupport is more readily available to young mothers and is often not an option for males.

3.10 Turning First Trick

In " The Youngest Profession – The Oldest Oppression," the majority of the interviewees shared concern about anyone becoming involved in the sexual exploitation trade. Ten years later, the entire research population of "Strolling Away" did not see prostitution as something anyone should choose.

"Don’t bother. Cause it’s not worth it. You want to do it one time, you think it’s all great and stuff, and you just keep going and going, and you get caught up in it and you think you won’t go back. You’ll just keep going back. You get sidetracked and it’s hard to get out." (Annie)

"Don’t do it, well it’s not as simple as that I mean you know I try to think back to where I was when, you know, I mean what my state was when I pulled my very first trick, you know what I mean. It would not have mattered what anybody said to me you know like your circumstances you know. Cause, I ran away from home because my stepfather was abusing me, not sexually but he was a physically abusive man and my mother was far too much of a coward to stand up to him, you know and things had come to an impasse and I had made threats that I would leave if he ever did this or that, and then he did this or that, and I felt like I had to live up to my threats so I ran from home." (Matthew)

The negative view of the sexual exploitation trade still existed for this population even though many had been off the street for a number of years. It appeared that the dislike and concern for this activity was permanent. Often those individuals who had been away from the street for a longer period of time had the strongest reaction to those turning their first trick.

"I try to convince them all the reasons not to. I would want to find out, I would want to investigate and find out why they are there. Cause there is so many different factors involved. I would tell them in the long run that they weren’t really going to get ahead. That it would make them regret it." (Sandra)

Those interviewed saw their street experience of prostitution as a form of repeated abuse. A total of 84% of those interviewed had been sexually abused prior to their involvement on the street. Many of those entering the sexual exploitation trade had unresolved issues of their earlier sexual abuse. Often the unresolved historical abuse became more distant than the abuse they experienced in the trade. Once an individual leaves the street, a need exists to resolve the street and the initial sexual abuse issues.

"…you don’t have to abuse yourself like that just because somebody abused you first. And, I don’t know but it’s so hard when I know what I was like and I know how many years it took me to convince myself that I was worth more than allowing me to use me as a doormat." (Katlyn)

3.11 Missing the Street

One-third of the respondents identified money as the predominate feature missed.

"I guess I’d have to say money, even though I never really seen a lot of that money, but just the money I guess I did have was a security thing to help myself feel better." (Sandra)

"The money, the party life, I don’t know, the non-responsibility like the fact that you just do what you want when you want to do it, or you know. Um, the freedom I suppose. That kinda false sense of freedom that you get down there that you live in the sub-culture that divides all rules for whatever, I kinda miss that sometimes." (Katlyn)

An attraction into street sexual exploitation was the belief of having the control to select who, where, when and what activity. Fifteen percent cited the adrenaline, pump or control as elements that they missed from the street.

"I miss staying out all night and partying. I miss the power I’d have over the tricks and my, you know, being in control." (Shelly)

Previously, many of these individuals were non-consenting victims of abuse but on the street it meant instant financial gratification for the same activity.

"The power over and the men giving me the money and the fake attention and stuff was a power for me." (Tamara)

Well over half of this population were involved in Social Services Child Protection and on the street they experienced a sense of control that was previously unknown to them.

"We can see how for youth in care of the government which is time limited, this can work as a bridging into adulthood. In many ways it gives them the opportunity to have their first chance at employment and independence." (McIntyre 1994:169)

Young people who moved to adulthood through their street experiences had very littletraining or options on which to fall back. The effort to move away often became both challenging and somewhat boring as their personal and professional options were limited.

The traditional predictable nature of everyday life was not an easy change. However, "Strolling Away" identified some bonuses associated with street life. Money was at the top of the list as it provided instant independence. Even if they were not fully in charge of or in control of the money, they still had the ability to generate funds.

"Like that is the, like so the bored piece, the excitement that was all there. But the bottom line was I did it for the money right. Like I did need to pay my rent, um, I needed to be able to be dressed. Um, so like having a stable income, like having to fight my social worker for everything." (Harry)

Males missed the freedom of the street once they left. While many entered minimum wage labour work because it did not require training, the work offered very little independence in their life.

"I miss being spontaneous, I miss the adventure." (Matthew)

Both males and females missed the camaraderie. Camaraderie on the street provided a support network. Street activity created an informal support group for all involved in the trade.

"… cause there was a family kind of…It was a familiarity and a bond as strange as that sounds, but a familiarity and a bond that we just felt safe we knew what was goanna happen…How we were supposed to act and I could get right into that so long." (Felicia)

"Um, I don’t know, I guess in a lot of ways it was like a family, like a big family. And you know, it seems really bad, but in a lot of ways we were always really supportive of everyone, you know, they kept you safe and that. A lot of times you don’t get that at home." (Melissa)

When a woman left the street her time in the trade became history fairly quickly, albeit often hidden and forgotten. Given that young women often married and had children, people were not inclined to identify them as former street workers.

Conversely, males were not as likely to forget this behaviour. "Even if the young man who ended up on the street saw himself as gay, his involvement in the trade was not forgotten", said Kevin Midbo, Executive Director, AIDS Calgary. "No one forgot this activity and often identified a young man as a former street worker."


[3] cf. Duchesne, Doreen, 1997 "Street Prostitution in Canada" Juristat: Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics.Vol.17, (No. 2.)

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