"Creating a Framework for the Wisdom of the Community:" Review of Victim Services in Nunavut, Northwest and Yukon Territories

4.0 Yukon Territory

4.0 Yukon Territory

4.1 Considerations in Victim Service Delivery in the Yukon Territory

4.1.1 Introduction

As in the chapters on the Nunavut Territory and the Northwest Territories, this chapter on the research undertaken in the Yukon Territory focuses on current formal and informal services available to victims of crime. Accordingly, it also is devoted to building a working knowledge of key contributing factors that need to be taken into account when designing any new services, or modifying existing services. Again, many of the service providers, community caregivers, victims of crime, and federal, territorial and municipal government policy and decision makers interviewed during this research requested that existing cultural differences between First Nations cultures and the dominant Canadian culture be taken into account in this process. To address this, discussions on historical considerations as well as on current social conditions and norms are included. Together, these provide a basis for understanding the findings on current victim service programs and delivery, and any challenges still to be addressed. In the Yukon, key information pertinent to understanding victim service delivery here includes:

4.1.2 Yukon Demographics

There are 17 communities in the Yukon with a total population of 31,256 people.[111] Approximately 74% of the population lives in the capital, Whitehorse. Dawson City and Watson Lake are the next largest communities with populations of 1,953 and 1,662 respectively.[112]

In terms of ethnic origin, 21% of the population is First Nations or Metis. The remainder of the population is largely persons of European descent (76%). Asian and African persons make up 3.5% of the population.[113]

Approximately 20% of the Yukon population is less than 15 years of age (the same as the national average) and 6% of the population is over 65 (12% nationally).[114]

4.1.3 Yukon Social Conditions and Related Statistical Data

The Yukon population is relatively centralized which makes any assessment of social conditions and the collection of relevant data somewhat easier than in other remote jurisdictions.

In terms of overall social conditions, and according to the 1998 Yukon Health Status Report, major injury resulting from interpersonal violence is decreasing.[115] Also decreasing, over the last 25 years, is the admission of children to hospital for conditions related to poor living conditions (respiratory conditions, infections, etc.). These improvements are attributed to the improvements in the overall political environment which have facilitated self-determination and community.[116]

However, despite these obvious improvements in the overall social conditions and stability of the population, there are still areas needing improvement.[117] These include the high rates of alcohol and drug abuse and high rates of interpersonal assault. In 2001, there were 153 reported spousal assaults (13.3% of all assaults), 46 reported child and teen assaults and 4 elder assaults (there were 948 "other assaults" in the same time period), [118] and 92 reported sexual assaults in 2001.[119] Although the First Nations and Métis people are 21% of the population, they form the majority of clients at women’s shelters and at least half the clients in several public government assistance and treatment programs.

In addition, the rate of teen pregnancy is higher than anywhere else in Canada except the NWT,[120] and there are high rates of sexually transmitted diseases. These statistics are reflected in the admission and service rates to various Yukon social programs. In 1995/1996, 186 female clients attended programs offered by the Yukon Department of Justice Family Violence Prevention Unit, Victim Services. The majority (75%) stated that their principal reason for participating in the program was that they were victims of wife assault. The remaining 25% said their reason was sexual assault and other issues including historic abuse.[121] This program has grown over the years to the point that it is a major referral for other territorial service providers. In 2001, the Yukon Department of Justice Family Violence Prevention Unit, Victim Services, served 1025 victimized individuals of which 70% were female, 45% were First Nation and most were from Whitehorse. Sixty-seven percent said their reason for seeking assistance was related to spousal assault and 21% said their reason was related to sexual assault.

The Child Abuse Treatment Centre saw 315 people in 2001, and the Detoxification Centre (Alcohol and Drug Secretariat) had 1,200 clients in 2001. The Family Violence Prevention Unit, Offender Programs, had 250 offenders in the Spousal Assault Program in 2001. Kaushee’s Place reports that it is running at 98% to 105% capacity at all times.

The unemployment rate in Yukon is comparable to the rest of Canada at 8.7%,[122] although in winter (non tourist) months it can be close to 15%. Approximately a third of the population over 15 years of age have less than a high school diploma.

Housing is less of an issue in Yukon than in other northern jurisdictions with a 15.5% vacancy rate and significantly lower rents than in other northern jurisdictions.[123]

In summary, while the Yukon appears to have a relatively healthy social environment and a greater range of comprehensive social programming compared to other northern jurisdictions, some problems remain. The Yukon government analysis of these problems and their proposed solutions are noteworthy.

"There is little dispute among public health professionals that a major underlying cause is social and economic inequality. If this report demonstrates anything, it is that there is more inequality in the Yukon than in the rest of Canada as a whole. The results of this inequality are differentials in income, housing, nutrition, education, and access to services and opportunity. Those on the lower socio-economic rungs have less control over their lives, fewer tools for good decision-making and less connection to networks that offer support, employment, and life improving opportunities in general. While specialists in this area understand this, there is still at least a partial failure to face these unpopular truths on the part of decision-makers and community leaders. Perhaps the main reason for this is the perceived lack of solutions to social and economic inequality. While there are no one-shot, cure-all solutions to inequality, recognition that this is a serious problem in the Yukon is the first step to developing possible approaches.

As a beginning, if the same consideration were given to the health impact of regulations, new development, new legislation, etc., as is now given to the environmental impact, a big step in the right direction would be taken. Healthy people are the best guarantors of a healthy environment. Every piece of policy, whether it concerns a new school, a mine opening, a new hotel, a sewage treatment plant, or the decision to build a sports complex should be "healthy." Where environmental impact is an important consideration, human health should be part of the environmental equation. Healthy public policy should be more than a catch phrase."[124].

4.1.4 Yukon Historical Considerations

The original inhabitants of the Yukon had a sustainable hunting/gathering lifestyle based on the natural rhythms of the land and seasons.[125] Yukon First Nations people lived in small groups and followed a regular cycle of seasonal activities. They hunted caribou, moose and mountain sheep in spring and fall, and spent summers fishing for salmon. (The territory's name comes from the native name "Yu-kun-ah" for the great river that drains most of this area.)

As in other northern jurisdictions, this semi-nomadic subsistence lifestyle was affected by the arrival of early whalers, non-Aboriginal traders and missionaries in the mid-1800s. The effects of alcohol, introduced by whalers, disease[126] and residential schools are being felt to this day by First Nations people.

In 1898 and 1899, gold was discovered near Dawson City and the area was immediately inundated with 40,000 people. In fact, it grew into the largest city west of Winnipeg. The gold rush had a dramatic impact on First Nations people. Large quantities of game were hunted along the rivers, and forest fires destroyed much of their habitat. Families were forced to travel long distances to obtain food and furs. Some First Nations people found work for wages packing supplies for the miners or working as deckhands or woodcutters for the sternwheelers that traveled the rivers to Dawson City.

When the gold rush died, many First Nations people returned to trapping. By 1921, the population of the Yukon had fallen below 5,000 and did not increase again until the building of the Alaska Highway during World War II. With the building of the highway connecting Alaska to the lower United States, the semi-nomadic lifestyle of First Nations people ended.

The impact of these 150 years of intrusions and changes on the Yukon Aboriginal peoples is best described by the Council of Yukon First Nations.

"By this time (1940s), Yukon First Nations were still considered wards of the state and governed by the Federal Department of Indian Affairs. In addition, many mission schools were in operation. The largest ones, the Catholic Church in Lower Post, B.C and the Chootla Anglican School in Carcross, saw three generations of Yukon First Nations come through their doors. It was the law that Status Indians send their children to the Mission Schools, and this was enforced by the RCMP Children from as far away as Old Crow were sent to Carcross where they remained for 10 years or so, without seeing their families. The mission schools were set out by the Federal Government who were heavily involved with their policy of assimilation, which sought to turn Canada’s First Nations into that of mainstream society. The schools did a very good job in accomplishing their purpose, stripping the children of their dignity, their identity, and their familial and communal ties. However, despite verbal, emotional and sometimes sexual abuse, our people survived.

In 1960, First Nation people in Canada were given the right to vote for the very first time, this brought unparalleled hope to Yukon Indians. A new generation emerged, barely intact from the brutality of the mission schools and began a movement to fight oppression, provide vision and hope, and to gain some rights for the generations to come."[127]

This process of recovery and self-determination continues to this day and has resulted in land claim and self-government agreements with 14 Yukon First Nations.[128] Those in a position to fund and/or develop victim services programs need to understand these government structures and the cultures from which they emerge, as described in the following section.

4.1.5 Yukon Aboriginal Cultural and Linguistic Groups and Political Status

Aboriginal people in the Yukon are descendants of several semi-nomadic cultural and linguistic groups. These groups have formed into First Nations as follows:

This map gives the reader some idea of these Yukon First Nations regions.[131]

This map gives the reader some idea of these Yukon First Nations regions
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