A Survey of Survivors of Sexual Violence in the Northwest Territories

3. Findings

3.1 Demographics

All but one participant in this study were female. The participants were between 17 and 57 years of age and the median age was 40. The majority of the participants self-identified as Aboriginal (n=30), while the remaining participants self-identified as Caucasian. Many of the participants were single (n=15), six were in a common-law relationship, and the remainder were married, dating, separated, or divorced. Fourteen participants had completed some high school, while the remainder had some post-secondary education (n=11), had completed high school education (n=5), or had completed elementary school (n=4). The annual income of the majority of the participants (n=22) was less than $15,000.

3.2 Child Sexual Abuse

This study explored participants’ experiences with CSA and ASA. Previous research has found that those who experience CSA are at an increased risk of being re-victimized (e.g., Classen et al. 2005; Ogloff et al. 2012), including experiencing sexual victimization as an adult (e.g., Desai et al. 2002). Many participants (n=20) in this study reported experiencing both types of victimization. In this section and in Section 3.3, the two types of experiences are explored in detail separately; in the remainder of the report, the experiences are considered together, unless otherwise specified.

Many of the participants in this study defined adult sexual assault as having occurred when they were teenagers. In the Criminal Code of Canada, the age applied in the definition of a child in the various child sexual abuse-related offences varies. For example, in S. 151 (sexual interference) and S. 152 (invitation to sexual touching), a child is defined as being under 16 years old, while in S. 163.1 (child pornography) and S. 172.1 (luring a child), a child is defined as being under 18 years. Also, the provisions concerning the use of testimonial aids (Sections 486.1 to 486.3) pertain to children under the age of 18 years. For the purposes of this study, the research team defined CSA as abuse that occurred when the participant was 15 years of age and younger, while adult sexual assault is defined as an assault that occurred when the participant was 16 years of age and older.

Thirty participants in this study reported they experienced childhood sexual abuse. Of those who said they experienced CSA, most (n=24) had experienced multiple incidents of abuse. The participants reported experiencing CSA between the ages of 2 and 14 years old, with the most common age being 8 years old. Many reported that they had been abused by a relative or an individual in a non-biological father role (e.g., step-father).

The participants reported different forms and severity of abuse, from fondling to penetration. Thirteen participants described being threatened verbally by the perpetrator and 11 stated that the perpetrator had made such threats to the safety of others (e.g., family members and friends). Many (n=17) stated that physical force had been used by the perpetrator, and in nine cases, this force resulted in injury to the survivor. Two participants reported that the perpetrator had used a weapon, including scissors, a knife and a gun. Three participants reported that drugs had been administered during the offence; in two cases, the survivor was given alcohol.

3.2.1 Reporting Child Sexual Abuse

Among those who described experiencing CSA, a large number of participants (n=20) did not report the abuse to police or have the abuse reported by another person. At the time of the interview, only one participant was considering reporting the abuse to the police. Some participants chose not to report because of feelings of shame and embarrassment, while others did not know they could report or thought they would not be believed. Table 1 below highlights other common reasons why participants chose not to report.

Table 1. Common Reasons for Not Reporting Child Sexual Abuse to Police (N=20) Footnote 7
Reason for Not Reporting CSA n
Shame/Embarrassment 7
Did not know they could report 5
Thought they would not be believed 4
For the sake of the family 4
Cultural intimidation Footnote 8 4
No family support 3
Fear of the offender 3

Source: Survey of Survivors of Sexual Violence, 2009

Eight participants reported the abuse to the police or to another person who reported the abuse. Of those who reported, most (n=5) did so because they felt that they needed to take action. Other reasons for reporting included the need to address negative feelings (n=2) and recommendations to report made by counsellors (n=2), family (n=2) or friends (n=1). The time that participants took to report the abuse ranged from immediately after the incident(s) to 27 years after the incident(s).

3.3 Adult Sexual Assault

Twenty-four participants reported that they experienced adult sexual assault and 14 of these participants experienced multiple sexual assaults. The participants reported experiencing ASA between the ages of 16 and 48 years, with the most common age being 16 years. In the majority of cases (n=22), the offender was known to the participant. The offenders were described as intimate partners (n=7), acquaintances (n=4) and relatives (n=4). Seven participants stated that some family or community members thought or commented that the participant had a relationship with the offender. Footnote 9

The participants stated that they experienced many types of sexual assault, including penetration. A number of participants (n=10) stated that they had been verbally threatened by the perpetrator and five participants reported that the offender had made such threats to the safety of others (e.g., family and friends). Many participants (n=20) stated that the offender had used force during the commission of the offence. The force used in the commission of the sexual assault resulted in injury for 11 participants and eight participants required medical attention. Two participants stated that a weapon was used during the commission of the offence; in both cases, a gun was used. One participant reported that a drug was used in the commission of the offence and included the placement of a drug in the participant’s alcoholic beverage.

3.3.1 Reporting Adult Sexual Assault

As was the case with child sexual abuse, a large number (n=14) of participants who experienced ASA did not report the incident to the police or have another person report the assault. At the time of the interview, none of the participants were considering reporting the ASA to the police. The most common reasons for not reporting the sexual assault was shame and embarrassment, the thought that they would not be believed and fear of the offender. Table 2 below highlights the most common reasons for not reporting ASA.

Table 2. Common Reasons for Not Reporting Adult Sexual Assault to Police (N=13) Footnote 10
Reason for Not Reporting ASA n
Shame/Embarrassment 5
Thought they would not be believed 4
Fear of the offender 3
No family support 2
No confidence in the criminal justice system 2
Felt there was not enough evidence 2
Previous bad experience 2

Source: Survey of Survivors of Sexual Violence, 2009

N Missing=1

Ten participants who experienced ASA reported the assault to police or had another person report the assault. Reasons for reporting included the need to take action, to address negative feelings and because a family member or friend recommended it. The time it took for participants to report the assault ranged from soon after the incident to one week.

3.4 Emotional and Psychological Effects

CSA and ASA can have very detrimental effects on its survivors. Child survivors of CSA have been found to portray a number of symptoms, such as “depression, PTSD, somatic complaints, aggression, behavior problems and sexualized behavior” (Kendall-Tackett et al. 1993 as cited in Wathen 2012, 13). CSA can also have long-term effects. Long-term impacts of CSA include “post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), and behavior problems including withdrawal, sexualized behavior and ‘acting-out’. Issues in relation to depression, anxiety, suicidal ideation, bipolar disorder, violence and substance abuse also follow CSA”(Mullers and Dowling 2008, 1428). Survivors of ASA also experience many negative effects, including anxious arousal, depression, dissociation and sexual concerns (Elliott et al. 2004).

Indeed, the emotional and psychological effects of the trauma were very strongly noted by the participants through an open-ended question. Almost all of the participants indicated that they experienced emotional and/or psychological harm as a result of the traumatic experience. The psychological harm experienced as a result of child sexual abuse was very similar to the harm experienced as a result of adult sexual assault.

Depression, Anxiety and Difficulties with Trust

The feelings associated with depression were the most common emotional and psychological effects of CSA and ASA described by the participants. These feelings included feelings of worthlessness, powerlessness and suicidal thoughts. In addition to these depressive symptoms, feelings of shame and guilt, low self-esteem, self-blame and isolation were also common. Indeed, many of the participants described multiple psychological after-effects. The multiple psychological effects were noted by one participant:

There was massive emotional psychological […] impacts. Huge was depression, suicidal idealization, a real notion that I was not a valuable thing or that I couldn’t do anything about anything. So it was really, I didn’t have any real […] core value system that I could identify…

Anxiety was also a very common feeling described by the participants. Some of the participants described experiencing flashbacks and a few participants who had suffered childhood sexual abuse stated that they suffered from symptoms related to Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. Similarly, feelings of fear were described by some of the participants. While some described being fearful of the offender, a general fear was felt by some of the participants.

Many participants also described difficulties with trust and personal relationships. For some of the participants, this lack of trust was combined with other psychological difficulties. One participant described the impacts this way:

I can't have any relationships lasting more than three months with any men or […] I have no trust [...], really low self esteem ... I'm even ... tried to commit suicide and ... I don't know I just have a really hard time with personal relationships…

Lasting Emotional and Psychological Effects

For some of the participants, the psychological effects of the abuse and/or assault were ongoing. The long-lasting effects of the abuse and/or assault were clearly noted by one participant, who described the ongoing struggles she was having as a result of her assault:

Well, I just been […], I just been bugging me for how [many] years. I can’t barely sleep, I just… [thinking] about all the past that I been through. And for that guy for causing my life a misery […] I’m tired of my mind. I’m just so depressed … don’t get enough sleep, just always stress, stressed out all the time. I try not to think about my past but it just keep on … coming back and bugging me over and over for past how many years.

3.5 Coping Mechanisms

Previous research has found that victims of crime can adopt a number of different strategies to cope with their traumatic experiences, which can be positive or negative (Hill 2009). In this study, the participants described, through an open-ended question, positive and negative mechanisms that they used to cope with the effects of their trauma, many of which are common coping mechanisms used by victims of crime (e.g., seeking support, self-harm). In addition, the majority of participants described using multiple approaches to coping, both positive and negative. Many of the coping strategies used by those who had experienced child sexual abuse were also used among those who experienced adult sexual assault.

3.5.1 Positive Coping Strategies

The participants described adopting several positive coping strategies, including turning to religion, natural and professional supports, volunteering and helping others, emotion-focused coping and cognitive reframing.

Religion/Spirituality

…on Sundays there was always church.

One of the most common forms of coping that survivors turned to was religion and spirituality. Turning to religion as a coping strategy was described by survivors of both CSA and ASA. Many of these participants described attending church and prayer as helping.

Natural and Professional Supports

Supports, both natural and professional, play an important role in helping to mitigate the impacts of violent victimization, particularly in cases of sexual violence (Hill 2009). Whether the support was through natural supports, such as family or friends, or professional supports, such as counsellors and medical professionals, many participants stated that they had supportive people in their lives during the time of the abuse or assault and many stated that they turned to these supports to help cope with the trauma. The use of professional supports was more commonly used among those who experienced adult sexual assault.

Volunteering and Helping Others

Some participants began to volunteer their time by helping other survivors of sexual abuse and assault. Both CSA and ASA survivors described this positive strategy.

Emotion-Focused Coping

Several participants described engaging in many types of emotion-focused coping, which is coping that “involves activities that try to directly change how the victim feels” (Hill 2009, 47). Some examples of the types of emotion-focused coping used by the participants included activities to keep busy, such as playing sports, as well as reading, drawing and cleaning. Others described using positive self-talk and positive thinking, such as choosing to think of positive memories, rather than focusing on the negative.

One participant described how she would focus on her goals rather than focusing on the assault:

I try not to think about it. I’ll try and find other ways to think about other things in my life that I need to get ahead of instead of having to look back and just be depressed about it and say you know, this happened to me before so I should be doing this like going out and drinking cause I can’t keep that anger inside me cause if I do it starts to affect people around me.

Cognitive Reframing

Some participants also used cognitive reframing techniques Footnote 11 to help cope with their experience. These techniques included self-comparison and emphasizing the positive aspects of their experience. For example, one participant described how her experience made her a stronger individual:

…accepting what happened to me and helping it to help me be stronger cause it is part of who I am.

3.5.2 Negative Coping Strategies

Although many participants used positive approaches to help cope with the abuse and/or assault, negative approaches were also used. Among survivors of CSA, many (n=13) turned to both positive and negative coping strategies, while nine participants described using positive coping strategies only, and three described only using negative coping strategies. The majority of ASA survivors (n=15) described using both positive and negative coping strategies, while only three participants described using only positive strategies or negative strategies.

 The negative coping strategies adopted by the participants included addictive behaviours, self-harm, suicide attempts, avoidance and aggression.

Addictive Behaviours

The most common negative coping strategy described by survivors of both child sexual abuse and adult sexual assault was addictive behaviour, including alcohol, drugs, smoking, abusing over-the-counter drugs Footnote 12 and gambling. Alcohol abuse was particularly prominent as a coping mechanism, especially among those who experienced adult sexual assault. Many participants described turning to drugs and alcohol because they did not know how to cope with their experience. All but one of the participants who turned to drugs and alcohol to cope with child sexual abuse continued to use these same outlets to cope with adult sexual assault.

Self-Harm

In addition to substance misuse, participants also described other forms of non-suicidal self-harm. Examples of self-harm included overeating, promiscuity, inappropriate sexual behaviour at an early age and harming oneself through burning. The use of self-harm as a coping mechanism was more common among survivors of childhood sexual abuse, especially inappropriate sexual behaviour. One participant described her behaviour as such:

Okay […] well I use to burn, […] burn myself…and like on my face  […] …so […] what else did I do […] growing up like […] I don’t know […] I really like craved attention from guys, like growing up…So I was like promiscuous and… I felt like really […] unemotional like it’s just like I was just […] overly sexual and it […] made me feel good about myself but then afterwards like I’d want it but then afterwards I’d feel sad about it.

Suicide Attempts

Many participants also described attempting suicide to cope with their experience. One participant described how she coped with CSA:

I attempted suicide many, many, many times …… to get away from him and to get away from everybody.

Avoidance/Blocking Out the Experience

Another form of escaping the pain associated with abuse and/or assault is through avoiding thinking about one’s victimization and blocking out the memories of victimization. This approach to coping was more commonly described as a coping mechanism for survivors of CSA than ASA. One participant described how she would:

…just go somewhere else in your head. Like walking out, like just going somewhere.

Aggression

Some participants described acting aggressively towards others as a form of coping. This approach was described by both survivors of CSA and ASA. In one case in which the survivor of ASA still knew her offender, this aggressive behaviour was directed at the offender.

3.6 The Criminal Justice System

Participants were also asked about the criminal justice system. First, they were asked how they learned about the criminal justice system and their confidence in it. In addition, there were questions about their own experiences with the criminal justice system including, for those who reported their abuse, how they were kept informed throughout the criminal justice process and, for those whose cases went to trial, the specifics of their trial.

3.6.1 Learning about the Criminal Justice System

As can be seen in the table below, the participants learned about the criminal justice system through a number of different sources and formats. Among those who responded, the most common sources of information about the criminal justice system included the media and the police.

Table 3. Sources of Information About the Criminal Justice System
Source of Information about CJS Number of Participants
Media 7
Other Footnote 13 6
Police 5
Counsellor from victims’ services 4
Family 4
Friend 4

Source: Survey of Survivors of Sexual Violence, 2009

Ns range from 18 to 19

3.6.2 Confidence in the Criminal Justice System

The participants were asked to rate their confidence in the police, the court process and the criminal justice system in general. As can be seen from Table 4 below, the majority of participants were not confident about these factors.

Table 4. Participants' Level of Confidence in the Criminal Justice System Footnote 14
  Very Confident Fairly Confident Not Very Confident Not Confident At All Don’t Know
Police 2 (7%) 5 (16%) 15 (48%) 6 (19%) 3 (10%)
Court Process 3 (9%) 3 (9%) 12 (36%) 10 (30%) 5 (15%)
Criminal Justice System in General 1 (3%) 5 (17%) 6 (20%) 13 (43%) 5 (17%)

Source: Survey of Survivors of Sexual Violence, 2009

Ns range from 30 to 34

3.6.3 Staying Informed throughout the Criminal Justice Process

Overall, 15 participants reported either their child sexual abuse or adult sexual assault to police either themselves or through another individual. Of these 15 individuals, most (n=11) were kept informed throughout the criminal justice process. Some participants reported receiving information from multiple sources. The most common mechanism through which participants were kept informed was through the police (n=9), either through face-to-face contact, telephone or multiple avenues. Other sources of information included Crown Prosecutors, Victim Services, counsellors, court workers and doctors and nurses.

3.6.4 Trial Information and Disclosure of Third Party Records

Nine of the cases went to criminal trial. The accused was convicted in four of these trials, the accused was found not guilty or the case was dismissed in four of the cases, and in the remaining cases, the participant did not know the outcome of the trial. In four cases, the defence sought third party records for disclosure. In all of these cases, the records sought were doctor’s records. In one case, the proceedings finished before the records were released. In the remaining three cases, it is unknown if the records were released as the participants did not know, or the participant did not complete the question.

3.7 Suggestions

The participants were asked to provide suggestions for survivors of CSA and ASA, as well as for the criminal justice system, through three open-ended questions. They were asked what those who have experienced sexual assault need to know about the criminal justice system, what they believe is the best way to share this information and how the criminal justice system can better meet the needs of survivors of sexual violence.

3.7.1 What Survivors Need to Know about the Criminal Justice System

The advice provided by participants in regard to what survivors of sexual assault need to know about the criminal justice system reflect the inherent challenges for victims/witnesses in the justice system. The participants indicated that survivors should be aware of the following aspects of the criminal justice system:

In addition, some participants stressed that survivors should know that the criminal justice system is there to help, to stay strong, and to report their abuse. One participant noted:

Report it. As soon as it happens report it and if nobody listens just keep on reporting. Stand your ground and don’t be afraid.

3.7.2 Informing Survivors

The participants were also asked what they think is the best way to share the above information with survivors of sexual assault. The most commonly suggested mechanism for sharing information with survivors of sexual assault was through school programs and school counsellors. The participants recommended a number of other mechanisms, including:

3.7.3 How the Criminal Justice System can Better Meet the Needs of Survivors

Finally, participants were asked to provide suggestions on how the criminal justice system can better meet the needs of survivors of sexual violence. The participants’ suggestions can be organized into three main themes: support; help navigating the criminal justice system; and balancing the treatment of survivors and accused.

3.7.3.1 Support

It was clear through the participants’ suggestions that more supports are needed for survivors of sexual violence. Suggestions included:

3.7.3.2 Help Navigating the Criminal Justice System

The participants’ suggestions also centered on ensuring that survivors have the help and information they need to navigate the criminal justice system. The suggestions included:

3.7.3.3 Balancing the Treatment of Survivors and Accused

Many participants expressed frustration with the perceived unfairness between how the survivor and the accused are treated by the criminal justice system. There was a perception among some that survivors are blamed, while the accused are not punished or when there is a punishment, it does not reflect the gravity of the crime.